From Energy Dependence to Strategic Partnership: India, the UAE, and the Emerging Security Architecture of West Asia

India, the UAE, and the Emerging Security Architecture of West Asia
India-UAE flags

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s May 2026 visit to the United Arab Emirates took place at a particularly sensitive geopolitical moment. The ongoing tensions surrounding the U.S.–Iran confrontation, instability in the Gulf, threats to maritime routes, and uncertainty regarding the future regional order transformed the visit from a routine diplomatic engagement into a strategic signal. However, the significance of the visit should not be understood solely through the lens of the current regional crisis. Rather, it reflects a broader and longer-term strategic process through which India has sought over the past decade to deepen its political, economic, and security engagement with the Gulf region as part of its wider geopolitical vision.

Under Narendra Modi, India gradually expanded its foreign policy horizons beyond South Asia toward the Indo-Pacific and West Asia simultaneously. While the “Act East” policy is commonly associated with Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific, in practice, India’s strategic outreach over the last decade has also included a parallel westward dimension aimed at integrating the Gulf into India’s broader geopolitical and connectivity strategy. This shift emerged from the recognition that India’s rise as a major power depends not only on developments in the Asia-Pacific but equally on securing its interests across the Indian Ocean, the Gulf, and the wider Middle East.

For decades, India’s relations with the Gulf were shaped primarily by energy dependence, trade, and the Indian diaspora. Yet New Delhi increasingly came to view the region not merely as an external economic space, but as a strategic environment directly linked to India’s national security, maritime stability, supply chains, and geopolitical influence. The wars and disruptions in West Asia, threats to the Strait of Hormuz, attacks on shipping infrastructure, and growing great-power competition accelerated this strategic reassessment. From the Indian perspective, instability in the Gulf no longer remains a distant regional crisis; it has direct implications for India’s economic resilience and strategic autonomy.

Within this framework, the UAE emerged as one of India’s most important regional partners. Over the past decade, New Delhi and Abu Dhabi steadily expanded cooperation beyond commerce into technology, logistics, intelligence coordination, maritime security, counter-terrorism, and strategic investments. The January 2026 signing of the India–UAE Strategic Defence Partnership framework symbolized the institutionalization of this transition. The framework includes cooperation in defence manufacturing, cybersecurity, advanced technologies, maritime security, military training, and counter-terrorism efforts, indicating that both states increasingly perceive each other not only as economic partners but as long-term strategic stakeholders.

Importantly, this process did not emerge because regional tensions disappeared, but despite them. One of the most interesting dimensions of India’s Gulf strategy is that, over the last decade, New Delhi has simultaneously attempted to deepen ties with both the UAE and Saudi Arabia while carefully navigating the region’s complex rivalries and Pakistan’s longstanding relationships in the Gulf. Historically, Pakistan enjoyed particularly close military and political ties with Saudi Arabia, creating structural limitations for India’s regional outreach. Nevertheless, India has gradually managed to expand its strategic space in the Gulf by emphasizing economics, connectivity, energy interdependence, and pragmatic security cooperation rather than ideological alignment.

This explains why India’s growing role in the Gulf should not be viewed as a temporary response to the current Iran-related crisis or to recent regional escalations alone. Rather, the present moment accelerates a strategic direction India has already pursued for years: transforming itself from a passive external stakeholder into an active geopolitical actor in West Asia. The UAE became particularly central to this effort because Abu Dhabi itself increasingly seeks diversified strategic partnerships amid uncertainty regarding the future reliability of traditional security arrangements in the region.

Indeed, the India–UAE partnership reflects a broader transformation in the Gulf security environment. The perception that the American security umbrella alone can guarantee regional stability has weakened considerably in recent years. As a result, Gulf states are expanding ties with multiple external powers simultaneously  including India, China, Israel, and European actors  while maintaining pragmatic balancing strategies. India fits naturally into this emerging architecture because it offers the Gulf states economic scale, technological capabilities, maritime presence, and strategic flexibility without the political conditionality often associated with Western alliances.

One of the most strategically significant dimensions of the India–UAE relationship is maritime security. Both countries increasingly perceive the Arabian Sea, the Gulf, and the Indian Ocean as part of a connected strategic continuum. The protection of sea lanes, energy flows, ports, and logistical infrastructure has become central to their shared interests. Maritime security therefore is not only about naval cooperation; it is about securing the economic arteries linking Asia, the Middle East, and Europe.

This strategic logic also explains the growing importance of projects such as the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). Although often presented as an economic initiative, IMEC carries substantial geopolitical significance. For India, the corridor represents an attempt to strengthen strategic connectivity, reduce vulnerabilities in supply chains, and institutionalize India’s role in shaping the emerging regional order. For the UAE, IMEC reinforces its ambition to position itself as an indispensable hub connecting the Indian Ocean, the Gulf, and the Mediterranean.

At the same time, India remains careful not to transform these partnerships into rigid military alliances. New Delhi continues to prioritize strategic autonomy and multi-alignment. The emerging partnership with the UAE therefore, reflects a flexible model of strategic cooperation centered on technology, logistics, maritime security, industrial collaboration, and geopolitical coordination rather than a formal defence alliance.

Ultimately, Modi’s visit to the UAE highlighted more than bilateral cooperation during a regional crisis. It demonstrated the maturation of a decade-long Indian strategy aimed at embedding India more deeply into the geopolitical and security architecture of West Asia. The Gulf is no longer viewed by New Delhi merely as a source of energy; it is increasingly perceived as a critical strategic extension of India’s wider Indo-Pacific and Indian Ocean vision.

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Dr Lauren Dagan Amoss

Dr Lauren Dagan Amoss

Dr. Lauren Dagan Amoss is a scholar specializing in Indian foreign policy and politics, with particular expertise in India’s evolving position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Her doctoral research explored India’s changing attitudes toward the conflict, while her MA thesis examined and compared the foreign policy philosophies of Martin Buber and Mahatma Gandhi. She is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Dedicated Programs at Bar-Ilan University, where she also earned her MA and PhD in Political Science. Dr. Dagan Amoss is also a member of Dvora Forum, an organization dedicated to advancing the role of women in national security and foreign policy affairs.

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